Geography:
Al-Ahwaz, (known also as Arabistan or Khuzestan), is situated in the South West part of Iran, and borders Iraq in the West, the Gulf (also called Arabian Gulf and Persian Gulf), Shat el Arab Waterway, the province of Dashestan in the South, and the mountains of Lurestan and Kurdistan in the East.

It is strategically situated at the tip of the Gulf and the Shat al-Arab waterway and its capital city is Ahwaz. Nearly 90% of Iran’s oil is situated in al-Ahwaz.

People:
Population
The population of Ahwazi Arabs in Iran was estimated to be at least 4 millions in 2006, according to the U.S. State Department Human Rights Report, accounting for about 6% to 8% of the total population of Iran according to Amnesty International. It is estimated that 70% are Shi’ite and 30% Sunni. The territory also comprises other minorities such as a small number of Christians, Sepharadi Jews; and some tribes such as Bakhtiari, Lak and Lur tribes.

Language
The people of Al-Ahwaz speak Arabic, as it was spoken by 90% of the population before its annexation under Reza Shah in 1925. After Reza Shah’s centralization and annexation of Al-Ahwaz, Farsi (Persian) was adopted as the official language by the state.

The variety of Arabic spoken in Al-Ahwaz is identical to Iraqi Arabic.

Economy
Al-Ahwaz is the richest region in terms of natural resources, especially oil, discovered in the region in 1908 and which is evaluated at approximately 110 billion barrels. Al-Ahwaz also possesses resources of natural gas which makes the region a politically sensitive region, as it was expressed in the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980-88.

According to the Iranian government, Al Ahwaz ranks third in Iran’s provinces in terms of GDP, largely due to its oil. However, the benefits of the rich natural grounds and the rich economy of Al-Ahwaz does not seem to reach the average Ahwazi citizen in terms of socio-economic position, with Ahwazi Arab youth and women suffering from an unemployment rate of 50% according to the British Ahwazi Institute.

Besides the natural resources, agriculture is another important source for the region due to the fertility of the soil, making it appropriate grounds for commercial agriculture, especially in the sugar cane industry. Prior to mass expropriation of Ahwazi land by Tehran government, most of the Ahwazis still mainly hold agriculture occupations.

However, there is a lack of agricultural investment, apart from the big sugar cane industries, leading to rural poverty. The illiteracy rate in Al-Ahwaz reaches 70% of the population with a 70% drop out in high school, though the illiteracy rate in Iran reaches 18-20%.

Environment
Environmental problems in the region are directly associated with the pollution produced by the implantation of oil refineries, which are poorly managed and result in oil spills in the area. The big chemical and petro-chemical industries located in the province generate big amounts of industrial waste which is dumped in local rivers such as the Karoon River, Bahmansheer River and Shat al-Arab waterway. This directly affects the quality of water and the related resources produced with this river. Indeed, it did result in a decline in fish quantity, a resource for local inhabitants.

Furthermore, the Iranian government has been executing river diversion projects with the intention for local waters to be redirected to Persian ethnic regions such as Esfahan and Rafsanjan.

One of the projects targets the Karoon River in order to boost the production of sugar cane. This river is of particular importance since it constitutes the main income for water in Al-Ahwaz , it is the natural habitat for water buffalo and allows cattle raising for local farmers.

In its June 2007 report, the United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP) warned the Iranian Environment Association that the diversion of the Karoon's River governmental program could create an environmental disaster on the same scale as the Aral Sea disaster in Central Asia.

Apart from these environmental issues, the region is also subjected to the remaining land mines from the Iran-Iraq war which still constitutes a danger for the inhabitants. According to the Human Rights Watch Landmine Monitor Report in 2003, Al Ahwaz is the most landmine affected area in Iran.

Current Issues
Despite the fact that the constitution grants them equal rights (article 19 “all peoples of Iran, whatever the ethnic group or tribe to which they belong, enjoy equal rights”), Ahwazi Arabs are being discriminated upon in the domain of adequate housing, land confiscation, state employment, water sanitation and face restrictions over freedom of cultural, political and linguistic expressions.

Human Rights
Like most human rights activists in Iran, human rights defenders in Al-Ahwaz face constant oppression from the government, including arrests where the detainees face torture, trial without access to lawyers, and ill-treatment. However, due to their ethnic origin, some of the human rights activists are targeted as separatists by the central government, which maintains a suspicious stance towards Ahwazi Arabs ever since the Iran-Iraq war. In effect, Teheran still perceives them as being infiltrated by foreign countries in order to destabilize the country and as disloyal to the state of Iran. In this sense, the mobilization of minority representation has been considered as a secessionist ambition and has been strongly resisted by the authorities, despite the fact that Iran is has been and still is a multiethnic country where at least 50% of the population is non-Persian.

On 11 May 2006, Mr. Faleh Abdullah Al-Mansouri, a Dutch human rights activist of Ahwazi decent, was arrested in Syria and extradited to Iran and detained ever since at unknown locations. Mr. Mansouri fled Iran in 1988 and applied for asylum in the Netherlands where he has continued his human rights activism with the Maastricht branch of Amnesty International, and has been honoured with the prestigious distinction of member in the Order of Orange Nassau for his meritorious contributions to society. On the 29th October 2007, there was a new twist as his family heard rumours that he had been sentenced to death on the allegations of his “terrorists” activities. This was denied by the Iranian government. After much diplomatic efforts, Al Mansouri was allowed to speak to his family on the phone and establish external contacts before a future trial.

Oil Dispute
Though Al-Ahwaz is one of the richest regions in Iran in terms of oil, bringing 80% of the income in Iranian GDP, the benefits from the oil resources are thought to be diverted to the central government or the Persian ethnic minority, without benefiting the Ahwazi local population. There is a lack of investment within Arab communities on local infrastructures such as in agriculture, routes, schools which are not targeted towards the Ahwazi Arabs. Furthermore, the Ahwazi Arabs suffer from the results of the industrials and oil installations in the area in terms of pollution.

The UNEP (United Nations Environmental Program) Global Mercury Assessment report warned that the high level of mercury in the water was highly toxic especially to the nervous system. In this matter, the high risks of oil spills in industry combined with the poor management are directly affecting the daily subsistence of the Ahwazi Arabs, who still rely heavily on agriculture and fish farms.

Land Appropriation
There have been allegations from the Ahwazi community that the central government is appropriating the lands from the Ahwazi Arabs confiscating a large part of their subsistence and forcing them to relocate in cities where they lack infrastructural investments.

In the years during the Iran-Iraq war, the central government expropriated some of the lands in order to secure the region against the Iraqi invasion. However, those lands have not been reallocated to the Ahwazi Arabs who are still waiting for their return.

According to the Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing, in his report in 2005, there were reports of approximately 200,000 to 250,000 Arabs being displaced in Al Ahwaz region due to the development projects being carried out by the central government. He specified that there was no prior consultation with the Ahwazi Arabs about those projects and there was no adequate resettlement or compensation for them.

Persianisation

Since the Iran-Iraq war, when Saddam Hussein tried to exploit the grievances of Ahwazi Arab to his own end by strategically annexing Al-Ahwaz to Iraq, believing that the Ahwazis would side with him, the central government has remained highly suspicious of the Ahwazi, thinking they are disloyal to the state of Iran. Since this event, the Ahwazi bear the consequences and face land confiscations and an intense Persianisation of Al-Ahwaz, which the government is attempting to put forward in order to diminish the Ahwaz presence by relocating “loyal” Persian ethnic groups.

The high Persianisation policy is a sensitive subject in the region. It was epitomized in the clashes between the population and the government in April 2005, when there were massive protests in central Ahwaz against a letter allegedly written by an advisor of Khatami in 1999 stating governmental plans to reduce the percentage of the Ahwaz population in the region by relocating ethnic Persians. The letter also talked about the Persianisation of names of street and public spaces. This alleged governmental letter sparked a strong uprising from the Ahwazi community in several anti-governmental protests, leading to mass arrests from the authority and a complete media blackout. This event is since then known as the Ahwazi Intifada.

In this case, Ahwazi activists are being seen by the Iranian government as secessionist elements that need to be controlled by strong state grasp of the lands and by planning the settlements of Persian ethnic groups. In this respect, the local inhabitants attempt to preserve their ethnic affiliation which seems to be under constant pressure from the central government and only exacerbated by the daily living standards of Ahwazi Arabs.

Employment Criteria - Gozinesh Criteria
Amnesty International constituted a report on the discriminatory selection in employment, also known as the gozinesh, selection. As the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) conference of June 2003 stated that “the gozinesh, in law and practice impairs, on grounds of political opinion, previous political affiliation or support or religious affiliation - equality of opportunity or treatment in employment or occupation for all those who seek employment in the public and parastatal sector and, reportedly in some instances, in parts of the private sector.” This is in contradiction with Iran’s article 23 of the constitution which states that 'The investigation of individuals' beliefs is forbidden, and no one may be molested or taken to task simply for holding a certain belief''.
Therefore, the gozinesh criteria effectively control an open access to employment, where in this case Ahwazi, on grounds of their political opinion, are directly discriminated.

Moreover, aside from the fact that there are allegations stating that the government does not hire local Ahwazis to work in the industries in the region, the governmental companies would instead import ethnic Persians to work in sugar cane and oil industries. This leads to a deprivation for Ahwazi Arabs of employment. It also results in the construction of settlements of ethnic Persians and further accelerates the rate of Persianisation, according to Ahwazi Arabs.

Therefore, with a lack of opportunity to increase social development, due to low government investment, Ahwazi Arabs face economic deprivation that leads to increasing frustration and social unrest in the region.

Linguistic Disputes
In 1925, Farsi was adopted by the central government as the official language. According to the British Ahwazi Society, there is a 70% drop out rate in high school, partly due to the fact that the students have to study in Farsi, their non native language.
Though Arabic is being taught throughout Iran and the constitution grants for equal rights to allow for minority language to be used in media/schools (art.15), the teaching of Arabic is confined to religious text and is primarily the Classical Arabic rather than the local dialect, also known as Khuzestani Arabic. In this perspective, the native language of Ahwazi Arabs is not being recognized above the level of religious language and is limiting the preservation of the local language and culture.

Representation
Despite some number of agreements for national minorities, the representation of ethnic and religious minorities in Iran remains largely limited. The report of the Working Group on Minorities of May 2003 on “Ethnic and Religious Groups in the Islamic Republic of Iran” states that these arrangements are primarily limited to a process of co-option rather than a real engagement for the groups. In terms of political representation, despite the granting of such rights, the extent, channels and scope of the participation is still strictly determined by the government. Similarly, the formation of a political party needs to be recognized by the government.

History

The Arab presence in Iran dates even prior to the Arab conquest in 639 AD, as a result of migration from different neighboring Arab countries.

Arab Period
After successive invasions such as the Islamic conquest of Persia in 630AD which brought about Islam in Persia, and the Mongol invasion in the 13th century, Al-Ahwaz (renamed Arabistan due to its increasing Arab population) was under the Persian dynasty of Qajar in the 19th century, which ruled it as a multinational dynasty, leaving Al-Ahwaz to be an autonomous region. Before 1925, though still nominally under the Iranian territory, Al-Ahwaz was under the control of the Governor-General appointed by the Shah.

Colonial Period
Throughout the 19th century, Britain and Russia saw Persia as part of their sphere of influence under the Great Game, with Al-Ahwaz being of special interest for the British, originally because of its strategic position in the Gulf and later on because of its oil fields.

Before 1925, the territory was governed under Shaykh Khazal as an autonomous Arab territory with its own ruler enjoying substantial independence thanks to the geography of the region, which cut off Al-Ahwaz from Teheran by means of the Zagros Mountains.

Pahlavi Dynasty
With the support of British officials, the Qajar dynasty was overthrown in 1921 replacing it with Reza Shah who attempted to forcibly settle the tribal groups of Al-Ahwaz, formerly semi-nomadic. With the emergence of Reza Shah, there was a heavy centralization process launched by Teheran, imposing Farsi as the official language and banning the teaching of Arabic in schools. This centralization process was further exacerbated when Reza Shah established the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925.

As part of the centralization and the re-appropriation of the region by Teheran, Al-Ahwaz was renamed Khuzestan by the central government in 1936, further attempting to deny the Arab presence in Al-Ahwaz. Furthermore, throughout the period of 1946-1979, under the Reza Pahlavi, Al-Ahwaz was further engulfed in the centralization process with Arabic suppressed and not allowed to be taught in schools.

Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War
Due to the rampant corruption and the autocratic rule of the government, the Pahlavi dynasty was overthrown by a coalition of left and right parties, religious representatives and students which in the end would see the establishment of the theocratic Islamic Republic of Iran.
Following incidents of the Iranian Embassy Siege in 1980 led by separatists who were supported by Iraq, Iraqi forces invaded Al-Ahwaz, thinking it would be supported by the local Arab population. However, despite divisions within the local Ahwazi population in the war, most people rejected the Iraq invasion and sided with the Iranian government resisting the neighboring country until 1988.

This war had severe consequences for the region which was devastated, with its finest oil refinery, Abadan, destroyed. Furthermore, the war forced thousands of Ahwazi to flee the region in search of safety. Ahwazi Arabs have been returning to the region, slowly reconstructing the devastated infrastructure from the war, though it does not receive the investment from the central government to rebuild the war destruction, leaving the Ahwazi Arabs impoverished despite the rich natural resources of Al Ahwaz.

Under the Islamic Republic, the position of Al Ahwaz as an autonomous region was not re-established and the Ahwazi Arab people were put under political, cultural, social and economic compliance, continuing the past policies of Teheran.


Organizations:
Democratic Solidarity Party of Ahwaz (DSPA) is the representative of the nation of al-Ahwaz (Arabistan) in UNPO. It aims to create a strong social and political dynamic civil society promoting the right of the Ahwazis as a minority in Iran.

The DSPA is striving for the recognition of Ahwazi Arabs in the region.

The party is a member of the Congress on Nationalities for a Federal Iran, along with 15 Iranian opposition organizations and including all the ethnicities in Iran. This Congress was established in February 2005 promoting the realization of a federal Iran on the basis of an ethnicity-nationality and geography in order to have a free and democratic Iran.


Statistics:
Geographical territory: 69,000 km²
Population: 2–4 million
Language: Arabic
Religion: Islam with small minority of Christians

Links:
Ahwaz Studies Center

British Ahwazi Friendship Society

Congress on Nationalities for a Federal Iran

Democratic Solidarity Party of Al Ahwaz