Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization

October 24, 2006

Shan: Burma’s Unending Woes

The Burmese military junta’s recent announced a change in its administrative systems at the state level and village level, allowing many civilians the opportunity to participate in local administration. Yet despite the changes the country still maintains its military control.

The Burmese military junta’s recent announced a change in its administrative systems at the state level and village level, allowing many civilians the opportunity to participate in local administration. The government’s move can be read in many different lights as there is no end in sight for Burma's grinding 57-year-old civil war, despite the extensive military upgrades in last many years.

Is the military junta really starting a democratization of its government mechanism, responding to the calls of its people or pressures exerted by other countries, or is it a case of the military being compelled to do so by the present world trade organization regime of globalization, liberalization as the country can no more remain isolated from the rest of the world in general and particularly from the neighboring countries like India, Thailand etc. Whatever the case may be, all we can say is that since the initiatives are being driven by pushes from the grassroots, even having some impact, even if not adequate yet, on the country’s military government, it is a welcome development.

Despite the changes in the administrative system, the country however still maintains its military control. Appointing to important government posts are still a monopoly of the military establishment. Respective army divisions still hold their posts as chairmen of the states and divisions. In the administration system of Burma, commanders of army divisions have been appointed as the heads of the states and division ever since General Ne Win's rule began in 1962. There are seven states in Burma, mostly consisting of frontier areas where ethnic minorities live, and seven divisions where the majority of ethnic Burmese people live.

In the new administrative system, the Burmese military government will appoint the head of the police from the respective state or division as a member of the administrative council, while a civilian will serve as a secretary under the military chairman. Likewise at the district level, a military officer will hold the post of chairman of the administrative body, with a police officer serving as a member and a civilian as a secretary. Only at the township level will civilians hold the post of chairman and secretary, while a township police officer will be appointed as a member of the administration. The belief of the locals is that many current USDA members will be appointed by the military authorities to hold important administrative posts at all levels. We can assume it to be another strategy of the military junta for protection of their regime from the vigil of others to the human rights violation and also to put peoples’ movement for democracy under control.

As changes in the administrative set up was announced amidst signatures campaign demanding the release of all political prisoners including recently detained 88 younger generation students leaders, it can also be treated as another strategies towards curbing increasing voice for the people against depriving of human and democratic rights and to pave the way for those who are struggling for those rights. Nearly 300,000 signatures were collected despite intimidations in Burma till October 16 last for the petition campaign demanding the release of all political prisoners including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Ko Min Ko Naing and ethnic national leaders and the 88 Generation Students.

The monks and the public want a peaceful transition and finding solutions through dialogues. The people of Burma had already shown bravely how much they want progress and democracy in the 1990 election. Now they are starting to express their desire bravely and without fear for a peaceful and prosperous nation and the national reconciliation.
On the other hand there is the need for looking to the new strategies of procuring newer, more modern weaponry, Burma's ambitious military-modernization campaign is proving ineffectual in fighting the various ethnic armies along its borders. Burma's army, also known as the Tatmadaw, remains the same light-infantry force that it was 50 years ago, as evidenced by its current offensive against the Karen National Union (KNU) and other armed insurgencies along its eastern border with Thailand.

There is no end in sight for Burma's grinding 57-year-old civil war, despite the extensive military upgrades although ceasefires have been agreed with some of the ethnic insurgents, several, including the KNU, the Karenni National Progressive Party, the Shan State Army (South) and the Chin National Front, are still fighting the regime. and Burma has bought expensive military hardware, expanded conscription into government-run militias in both the countryside and the cities and, in its most extravagant move, relocated the capital from coastal Rangoon to inland Pyinmana.