Many see the Dalai Lama as the gentlest and kindest freedom fighter on earth, but with few accomplishments, the pressure on him even from his own people is growing. Yet he continues his middle way concerning reconciliation with China.

Despite the continued uprisings and the hardliner approach adopted by the Chinese Communist regime, he is not calling for independence for his homeland, but for living peacefully side-by-side with Han Chinese.

When his people revolted, he called for nonviolence. He did not walk away from his mission when Beijing attacked him viciously; he still called for reconciliation. The Dalai Lama travels the world to find support for true autonomy and against separatism of his people. Often he speaks against his people who no longer accept the suppression lying down [peacefully].

Andreas Hilmer: A lot happened in Tibet. In reviewing 2008, how would you characterize the incidents in Tibet? Would you say that it was an uprising or a revolution? Was it also more violence than you can support?

Dalai Lama: It was an uprising—a rebellion driven by frustration! Everyone could see that! And after all, it started as a peaceful demonstration. For me it is of great importance to mention that. The world must understand that in the afternoon of March 10—I was suffering from a cold and had canceled some lectures—out of the blue sky, I received a call from Lhasa telling me that many people were appearing for a demonstration. To be honest, I feared that something dreadful was about to happen. This mirrored exactly the uprising before my escape in 1959—and it ended in a bloodbath.

Now, let us get back to what happened on March 2008. For three days, the Chinese soldiers watched the peaceful protests without interfering, and it appeared as if they were “getting ready” for something. Then, I heard that simultaneously with the demonstrations, large groups of Tibetans whom no one seemed to know were being trucked into the city. These were the ones who later on sparked [the violence] and attacked. Only then, as a reason was created, the soldiers suddenly attacked and brutally put down the uprising, although they had remained on the side for days.

Again, I have to repeat that in the beginning, the demonstrations were nonviolent and they began from pure frustration. A farmer, who later on escaped, told me personally, “All of what happened was from generations of accumulated suffering.”

Hilmer: What is the actual situation in Tibet? What have you heard?

Dalai Lama: It is bad! You must know that in some areas there are five Tibetans to one Chinese soldier. Tibetans have been the minority in Lhasa for a long time. This is truly an occupation. My century-old country—and I’m saying that deliberately—my nation has been served the death sentence. It truly is dying! This is most serious.

Hilmer: Is there no hope in your opinion?

Dalai Lama: Yes, I do see it [hope]. I have met with hundreds of Chinese intellectuals during my travels over the past months, and some even came from China. And they told me recently, “We did not know anything about Tibetans, and we believed all of them to be anti-Chinese.”

But now, the intellectuals understand what the Tibetans are hoping for. They are better informed. Therefore, Tibet is now receiving greater attention. I believe that there are around 500 articles alone in China that supported us and even said that Tibet also has its own rights and similar thoughts.

There are other positive developments. Naturally, the Tibetans are telling me that the situation in their country has become intolerably oppressive since the uprising. But, the Tibetan spirit was strengthened because of this uprising, and it has truly awakened widely. And this became stronger throughout Tibet, even in remote areas. If one balanced everything against the other, I think that in the end, it has achieved a greater positive impact towards a solution.

Hilmer: Lately you criticized the Chinese regime in strong terms. You even spoke of a “cultural genocide.” What is the greatest danger for Tibet today?

Dalai Lama: In the past, it was said that the Chinese were not only worried about the separation, but also the strong Buddhist faith posed a risk. Therefore, all those controls over the monasteries and the reeducation attempts. Now, they are intentionally trying to abolish the language. They repeated very openly that Tibetan is no longer needed in Tibet.

The Chinese authorities want to ban Tibetan in schools. There are documents that prove my contention. In Lhasa, the Tibetan language is no longer necessary for anything one needs for daily life, including restaurants and businesses as they are all owned by Chinese.

This is why I speak deliberately of “cultural genocide.” I can’t tell for sure if it is always deliberate, but cultural genocide is going on. That has been proven beyond a shadow of a doubt.

Hilmer: Last year, rumors were heard on and off that the Dalai Lama is thinking to “resign.” Was this due to a misunderstanding? After the 2008 uprising, some said emotionally that the Dalai Lama has forsaken us. How could one interpret this?

Dalai Lama: Well, I’m still alive. The Tibetans have a strong leadership here in exile. And therefore, I have repeatedly emphasized that “I’m semi-retired,” which means I’m partly retired, am in “semi-retirement.”

After the Tibetan crisis last year, we tried to get the Chinese regime to the table as fast as possible, although they constantly stressed with snide remarks that this would be only informal meetings, which would center on the future of the Dalai Lama. We Tibetans held high hopes that this extreme crisis would result in a solution for Tibet.

Then, our negotiation delegation reported back the cool and negative talks they held in China. I have to tell you that my main objective was to bring a positive change to the people in Tibet, and this completely failed. I have to admit this now. It is my moral obligation to admit defeat and to accept this now. Then, during the next meeting with China’s regime, our detailed memorandum regarding a solution, which we had specifically prepared, was rejected out of hand! It was rejected in its entirety. This was without doubt very depressing.

Hilmer: Did you consider pulling back?

Dalai Lama: Consequently, I called a special meeting of all Tibetan groups in the autumn of 2008, in which I personally partook. After this defeat, I was looking for greater openness and the exchange of all opinions and new ideas, no matter how much they digressed.

I stayed away from this special meeting, [so] that not all of them—as it generally is the case—follow my suggestions. I truly wanted a free exchange of opinions among the Tibetan society that provided ideas on how to resolve the Tibet conflict. I wanted to bring out the true thoughts.

The Dalai Lama (L) speaks with Andreas Hilmer, a journalist from Hamburg, whom he has known for 20 years, in Dharamsala. (Courtesy of Ruediger Findeisen)
I also told the Tibetan leadership that this meeting should take place without any of us, so the decision-makers would not influence it. We wanted to see if the Tibetans still supported us and to see what their wishes were. Whatever was to come out of this, we had to follow it. Then, what we heard was that the majority still wanted to go the middle way I had proposed. They wanted for me to continue to lead them.

Hilmer: And that is why you continue to give moral support?

Dalai Lama: That summarizes it. I also had to admit defeat after the last meeting with the Chinese regime in Beijing. My way had failed. And now, the people had to openly and without preamble decide where they wanted to go with this. That was [what was] meant by “giving up” and “resignation.”

Hilmer: The demand for independence for Tibet was aborted much too early, say many young Tibetans in exile. They continue to call for autonomy but as a state within China.

Dalai Lama: My realistic approach is, If we continue to remind the communist regime concerning the minority rights as recorded in their Constitution, then the Chinese regime does not have much of a chance to deny the rights they granted in the long term.
And that is what we demand in our memorandum we submitted to the Chinese.

Hilmer: But, there are those who allege that there is again a "secret agenda" behind your willingness to compromise. Why is that?

Dalai Lama: One thing is clear: China's regime has known for quite some time that we are not asking for independence. There was an accord a few years ago that literally said, "The Dalai Lama's faction is no longer demanding independence!" But shortly after they again alleged that we, specifically I, wanted separation and was attempting to achieve secession.

The Chinese suddenly changed strategy. This looks just like: It is of benefit to the Chinese regime to have the people see the Dalai Lama as the evil separatist and the one who wants to split the nation. In their hearts of hearts they clearly understood that I'm not a separatist! But, publicly, it benefits them to continue to claim that I'm a danger. Therefore, I said last year quite clearly, "My trust in the Chinese government is disappearing slowly. My deep trust in the Chinese people has not changed.”

Hilmer: What path does the future hold for Tibetans?

Dalai Lama: What is involved here is the public opinion of the Chinese people. Therefore, we Tibetans, and our supporters worldwide, have to approach increasingly more the Chinese people. But, this is naturally very difficult. If we are not demanding independence, but only demand our rights as established by the Chinese Constitution, then, in the long run, more and more Chinese will come to understand and support us.

But, if we—as many young Tibetans are doing because of an overload of emotion— demand independence too often, then it comes much easier for Chinese to speak ill of us. Then, the intellectuals, whom we rely on for support, will distance themselves from us.

Naturally, it would be in our best interest if Chinese from all strata supported us. But, as long as we can't achieve this, it is best to have at least one group on our side. It is better than none at all.

Hilmer: China is a super power, and some people there are doing better and better, and they also invest in underdeveloped Tibet.

Dalai Lama: For certain. But Tibetans also deserve more wealth. There are Tibetans in exile, in New York and India, who are very wealthy. Also they worry quite a bit about euros and dollars for their families. The Tibetans in Tibet also want to have their share and live a better live.

And, if China granted us more autonomy, we could maintain our culture much better, could protect religion, and given that, the Tibetans would be better off. And on the other hand, the Tibetans would also be peaceful. Wealth creates harmony. The Chinese should think about the benefits such an attitude would bring about.

Hilmer: And if that does not happen, and force and ostracism continue?

Dalai Lama: Should China's regime continue to suppress Tibetan identity and progress, emotions among young Tibetans will rise exponentially, and without doubt, this will create problems. Naturally, everyone wants independence for him or herself and his or her country—for certain! And, everyone wants to get rich quickly. But we Tibetans also have to think realistically. Then we will get more support from the Chinese people.

The Dalai Lama (L) with Andreas Hilmer (R) (Courtesy of Andreas Hilmer)
And to be truthful, if we Tibetans think about the situation objectively, then eventually it is better for us too to live under the Chinese mantel. It could also further our interests. But, one is for certain, if China's regime continues to suppress the people, one has to take a good look and ask oneself who is the problem here and who is the spoiler? It is not I, but China's hardliners that split the nation.

If China continues on the present path, then it is truly the Chinese regime that pushes us Tibetans—no matter if we want it or not—further into separatism and separatists ideas. Those who push us in that direction are the true spoilers!

Hilmer: How did this continued suspicion against you by the Chinese come about? (No matter what is going on, no matter what you say or do, basically one is told that it is the fault of the Dalai Lama.)

Dalai Lama: Yes, I'm the devil, and now, since you as a reporter met with me here, the devil was transmitted. It is just like a virus. Now there are already more devils—and more and more will join—wherever I go and whomever I meet. (He laughs for a long time.)

But, seriously, I don't believe that the Chinese mistrust me—no, no! They attack me deliberately, and they presume that I know more about new things. Because only an evil Dalai Lama would be useful for their Tibet politics!

Hilmer: And, this will continue until the end?

Dalai Lama: It came to my attention that the Chinese leadership holds the opinion, Let the Dalai Lama die outside of Tibet! Should we—for whatever reason—let him return to his homeland, the situation in Tibet will get out of control. Therefore, he needs to be kept out of China. Wait and see.

Hilmer: Didn’t you have plans to go on a pilgrimage to China, completely out of the limelight?

Dalai Lama: Yes, my delegation asked for that officially at one time. The idea was that it would be no more than a Buddhist pilgrimage. Not to Tibet, only to China, to visit sacred mountains. My ideas centered around a trip without any political agenda. The officials responded word-for-word: “Activities undertaken by a Dalai Lama are never apolitical. Every activity is always political.” I gave up after hearing that. I completely gave up. Under such circumstances, nothing can be done. How could I have proceeded?

Actually, I thought my rapport with the Chinese regime was OK and that despite that, my people are suffering. I’m always an independent speaker for the Tibetans. Therefore, my activities in exile should be arranged around that, and I try to meet the wishes of the Tibetans. But, it is impossible as it stands now—truly impossible!

Hilmer: The dialog is stalled for now. Should negotiations with the Chinese regime continue?

Dalai Lama: Well, they received all our papers, the large memorandum, and totally rejected it. But I told the Chinese and the international community: Please, first go to Tibet and investigate as to what is going on. Look around. Listen around. I’m grateful that a group of politicians from the German Human Rights Commission went to Tibet for a few days [in May of 2009], and the Dutch also went there.

All of them said that they were not allowed the freedom to look around. I think that something is definitely wrong. In my thinking, something has to be wrong. This does not bode well. What happens in Tibet that China doesn’t want the world to see?

China also has a lot of problems, as its totalitarian system is not functioning. Especially in their own interest—aside from Tibet—the Chinese urgently need to act and change something. Their socialist economy—it has passed! Now, they follow the capitalist economic model. And everything is only done for their personal interests and welfare. And this is also better!

Yet, many Chinese are kept in the dark, shielded. This is unacceptable. It also is wrong when seen from a moral standpoint. And from the practical standpoint, it is also wrong if one wants harmony so desperately.

They have to open up in a few years. This narrow-minded politics will not be successful. In the meantime, the Western world, the free world, is getting increasingly more worried and is asking questions, which China doesn’t like. Foreign parliaments are more and more in support of Tibet. Even Ms. Merkel, your “Ms. President”—by the way a very strong and active woman—she does that! Wonderful! This is very helpful.

All of them—from the Chinese intellectuals to the country leaders—support her. In the short run, this support has no noticeable results and might even be misunderstood. But, all that is influencing the thoughts and feelings of the Chinese leadership and the public in that country.
 
Hilmer: There is that picture where the Dalai Lama pulls the cart in direction of democracy and is pulling Tibet along in its rear. Some are even putting on the breaks. This is the impression one gets. How democratic is the Tibetan exiled community?

Dalai Lama: We try hard. Concerning our efforts, making the Tibetan society democratic is also attractive for Chinese intellectuals lately. They come here to study how we perform in a democratic way. The Chinese really want to learn from us.

Funny enough, the Chinese leaders are most of the time paying attention to me personally, instead of talking once to the leaders in exile. In the meantime, the Western governments have taken notice of that and said to the Chinese, “Go ahead and talk to the elected representatives of Tibet, and don’t always be afraid of them.” Our elected leaders are most likely more radical than you are—and that is the reason why the Chinese hold so much fear. They should talk to each other. Yes! And as long as this doesn’t happen, I have to enter the ring. …

Hilmer: Even if you really don’t want to do that anymore to represent the people by yourself, are you obligated? Do you feel as if you are also a politician?

Dalai Lama: Well, what can I say? China thinks that it is my fault, and the West says that the Dalai Lama is the main figure in the Tibet debate. What can I do? My new mantra since 2001 is “I’m no longer responsible, I’m retired, I am almost removed from it all. …” And yet, everything still falls on my shoulders over and over again. That’s how it is.

Hilmer: As the young Tibetans discussed last year and are looking for newer ways, they still point—also out of respect—toward the Dalai Lama. Are you the answer and problem for the future of Tibet at the same time?

Dalai Lama: No, I wouldn’t put it that way. But yes, the Tibetans love to say that I should get more involved—and that until I die! That actually means, that I will die sooner (laughs). If the Tibetans really had sympathy for me, then let me retire slowly; then I would live longer (loud and long laugh)!

Hilmer: Did you ever doubt that your way is the right way for Tibet? Did you ever doubt?

Dalai Lama: Never! I never doubted. Perhaps just once and then only for egoistic reasons, I thought: It would have been easier if it had been different … but only for me! This arose out of egoism! Many make mistakes and then insist that they were right all along with what they were doing. For example (George W.) Bush loved to do that.

But all my large decisions since I was 16 years old, when I took over responsibility, were correct: The escape from Tibet! The democratization of society. The duty concerning the demand for independence. The talks with China. All of them were the correct way, up to today.

You as a friend should understand the following: I’m revealing to you the secret of making the right decision. First, I use my own intelligence. Then, I discuss it among old friends. And I always talk to the oracle. Then I’m still not certain and do not necessarily do what has been decided. I look deeper and review all possibilities. I pray. I ask Buddha. Then I make my decision. And when it is wrong—yes, then it is Buddha’s fault (laughs). But I often make minor mistakes, but the major decisions were correct—the middle way, the reconciliation with China—I still believe that this was the right way. Wait for another five or ten years. If by then it was not successful, then you can say: The Dalai Lama made a major mistake. It is his fault (laughs for a long time).

Andreas Hilmer, author of the interview, visited the 14th Dalai Lama in India shortly before his 74th birthday. The Dalai Lama welcomed the reporter, whom he has known over the past 20 years, with a friendly and strong handshake. Despite the continued protests and denunciations, by the Chinese regime, the Dalai Lama perceives “signs of hope” and speaks off an “invigorated Tibetan spirit.”